While the military has seemingly won its battle with the Muslim Brotherhood, its prize may be an undisciplined Islamist insurgency.
It is time to stop calling these people liberals. A military dictator supported by the masses in the streets: there is another name for such a phenomenon, which is not unfamiliar in the annals of modern politics. Its name is fascism.
If democratization fails in Egypt, it will be the failure of Egypt’s liberals.
Power to the people could become, simply, power to the military, and those who object, whether Islamists or socialists, could find themselves at the least shut out of the political process or at worst housed in Mubarak-era prisons.
Egypt’s Liberals Are in Denial. By John B. Judis.
George Will could have gotten his idea across without sounding like a stuck-up English professor, but where’s the fun in that? One should make people work.
George Will’s Writing Makes George Orwell Turn Over in His Grave. By Isaac Chotiner.
One way or another, though, there will be a heavy price to pay for the military’s decision to remove the country’s first freely elected president—however disastrous and unpopular he was—rather than trust the tedious, frustrating processes known as democracy.
Civil State or Civil War? By Michele Dunne.
The term’s recurrence in reference to Egypt raises threshold questions: Precisely what is a “civil war?” And what would it take for Egypt to become one?
Too Soon for “Civil War.” By Laura Dean.
The trouble with Egypt right now is that neither of these alternative centers of power is capable of governing on its own—or to put it another way, working with each other.
Egyptian Roulette. By John B. Judis.
Nathan Brown (professor of political science at George Washington University, and an associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace) shows how Egypt today is taken up two opposing narratives, which are driving the country toward a civil war or a military takeover.
The Egyptian Crisis. By John B. Judis.
Are Egyptians angry at Hillary Clinton because of Michele Bachmann?
Much has been written about the role of the internet and social media in the Arab Spring last year, particularly in Egypt, where protestors organized and communicated on Facebook and Twitter. But while global connectivity can help protestors overthrow dictators and tell the world their story, it also gives everyone access to the less-inspiring corners of the web. That was on display this past week during Hillary Clinton’s visit to meet with leaders in Egypt.
You may have read about the protests that greeted the Secretary of State in Alexandria. Egyptian Christians and secularists are concerned about the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood and they oppose the newly-elected president Mohamed Morsi. Protestors outside the U.S. consulate threw tomatoes and shoes at Clinton’s motorcade, jeered her with shouts of “Monica, Monica!” and waved signs with messages like: “Stop U.S. funding of the Muslim Brotherhood” and “Clinton is the supreme guide of the Muslim Brotherhood.”
Amy Sullivan — "The Global Reach of Conservative Conspiracy Theories"